Cloward-Piven Strategy 

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Cloward-Piven Strategy of Manufactured Crisis

First proposed in 1966 and named after Columbia University sociologists Richard Andrew Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, the "Cloward-Piven Strategy" seeks to hasten the fall of capitalism by overloading the government bureaucracy with a flood of impossible demands, thus pushing society into crisis and economic collapse.

Inspired by the August 1965 riots in the black district of Watts in Los Angeles (which erupted after police had used batons to subdue a black man suspected of drunk driving), Cloward and Piven published an article titled "The Weight of the Poor: A Strategy to End Poverty" in the May 2, 1966 issue of The Nation.  Following its publication, The Nation sold an unprecedented 30,000 reprints.  Activists were abuzz over the so-called "crisis strategy" or "Cloward-Piven Strategy," as it came to be called. Many were eager to put it into effect.

In their 1966 article, Cloward and Piven charged that the ruling classes used welfare to weaken the poor; that by providing a social safety net, the rich doused the fires of rebellion.  Poor people can advance only when "the rest of society is afraid of them," Cloward told The New York Times on September 27, 1970.  Rather than placating the poor with government hand-outs, wrote Cloward and Piven, activists should work to sabotage and destroy the welfare system; the collapse of the welfare state would ignite a political and financial crisis that would rock the nation; poor people would rise in revolt; only then would "the rest of society" accept their demands.

The key to sparking this rebellion would be to expose the inadequacy of the welfare state.  Cloward-Piven's early promoters cited radical organizer Saul Alinsky as their inspiration.  "Make the enemy live up to their (sic) own book of rules," Alinsky wrote in his 1972 book Rules for Radicals.  When pressed to honor every word of every law and statute, every Judaeo-Christian moral tenet, and every implicit promise of the liberal social contract, human agencies inevitably fall short.  The system's failure to "live up" to its rule book can then be used to discredit it altogether, and to replace the capitalist "rule book" with a socialist one.

The authors noted that the number of Americans subsisting on welfare -- about 8 million, at the time -- probably represented less than half the number who were technically eligible for full benefits.  They proposed a "massive drive to recruit the poor onto the welfare rolls."  Cloward and Piven calculated that persuading even a fraction of potential welfare recipients to demand their entitlements would bankrupt the system.  The result, they predicted, would be "a profound financial and political crisis" that would unleash "powerful forces … for major economic reform at the national level."

Their article called for "cadres of aggressive organizers" to use "demonstrations to create a climate of militancy."  Intimidated by threats of black violence, politicians would appeal to the federal government for help.  Carefully orchestrated media campaigns, carried out by friendly, leftwing journalists, would float the idea of "a federal program of income redistribution," in the form of a guaranteed living income for all -- working and non-working people alike.  Local officials would clutch at this idea like drowning men to a lifeline.  They would apply pressure on Washington to implement it. With every major city erupting into chaos, Washington would have to act.  This was an example of what are commonly called Trojan Horse movements -- mass movements whose outward purpose seems to be providing material help to the downtrodden, but whose real objective is to draft poor people into service as revolutionary foot soldiers; to mobilize poor people en masse to overwhelm government agencies with a flood of demands beyond the capacity of those agencies to meet.  The flood of demands was calculated to break the budget, jam the bureaucratic gears into gridlock, and bring the system crashing down. Fear, turmoil, violence and economic collapse would accompany such a breakdown -- providing perfect conditions for fostering radical change.   That was the theory.

Cloward and Piven recruited a militant black organizer named George Wiley to lead their new movement.  In the summer of 1967, Wiley founded the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO).  His tactics closely followed the recommendations set out in Cloward and Piven's article.  His followers invaded welfare offices across the United States -- often violently -- bullying social workers and loudly demanding every penny to which the law "entitled" them.  By 1969, NWRO claimed a dues-paying membership of 22,500 families, with 523 chapters across the nation.

Regarding Wiley's tactics, The New York Times commented on September 27, 1970, "There have been sit-ins in legislative chambers, including a United States Senate committee hearing, mass demonstrations of several thousand welfare recipients, school boycotts, picket lines, mounted police, tear gas, arrests -- and, on occasion, rock-throwing, smashed glass doors, overturned desks, scattered papers and ripped-out phones.  "These methods proved effective.  "The flooding succeeded beyond Wiley's wildest dreams," writes Sol Stern in the City Journal.  "From 1965 to 1974, the number of single-parent households on welfare soared from 4.3 million to 10.8 million, despite mostly flush economic times.  By the early 1970s, one person was on the welfare rolls in New York City for every two working in the city's private economy."  As a direct result of its massive welfare spending, New York City was forced to declare bankruptcy in 1975.  The entire state of New York nearly went down with it.  The Cloward-Piven strategy had proved its effectiveness.

The Cloward-Piven strategy depended on surprise.  Once society recovered from the initial shock, the backlash began. New York's welfare crisis horrified America, giving rise to a reform movement which culminated in "the end of welfare as we know it" -- the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, which imposed time limits on federal welfare, along with strict eligibility and work requirements.  Both Cloward and Piven attended the White House signing of the bill as guests of President Clinton.

Most Americans to this day have never heard of Cloward and Piven.  But New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani attempted to expose them in the late 1990s.  As his drive for welfare reform gained momentum, Giuliani accused the militant scholars by name, citing their 1966 manifesto as evidence that they had engaged in deliberate economic sabotage.  "This wasn't an accident," Giuliani charged in a 1997 speech.  "It wasn't an atmospheric thing, it wasn't supernatural. This is the result of policies and programs designed to have the maximum number of people get on welfare."

Cloward and Piven never again revealed their intentions as candidly as they had in their 1966 article.  Even so, their activism in subsequent years continued to rely on the tactic of overloading the system.  When the public caught on to their welfare scheme, Cloward and Piven simply moved on, applying pressure to other sectors of the bureaucracy, wherever they detected weakness.

In 1982, partisans of the Cloward-Piven strategy founded a new "voting rights movement," which purported to take up the unfinished work of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Like ACORN, the organization that spear-headed this campaign, the new "voting rights" movement was led by veterans of George Wiley's welfare rights crusade. Its flagship organizations were Project Vote and Human SERVE, both founded in 1982.  Project Vote is an ACORN front group, launched by former NWRO organizer and ACORN co-founder Zach Polett.  Human SERVE was founded by Richard A. Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, along with a former NWRO organizer named Hulbert James.

All three of these organizations -- ACORN, Project Vote and Human SERVE -- set to work lobbying energetically for the so-called Motor-Voter law, which Bill Clinton ultimately signed in 1993.  The Motor-Voter bill is largely responsible for swamping the voter rolls with "dead wood" -- invalid registrations signed in the name of deceased, ineligible or non-existent people -- thus opening the door to the unprecedented levels of voter fraud and "voter disenfranchisement" claims that followed in subsequent elections.

The new "voting rights" coalition combines mass voter registration drives -- typically featuring high levels of fraud -- with systematic intimidation of election officials in the form of frivolous lawsuits, unfounded charges of "racism" and "disenfranchisement," and "direct action" (street protests, violent or otherwise).  Just as they swamped America's welfare offices in the 1960s, Cloward-Piven devotees now seek to overwhelm the nation's understaffed and poorly policed electoral system.  Their tactics set the stage for the Florida recount crisis of 2000, and have introduced a level of fear, tension and foreboding to U.S. elections heretofore encountered mainly in Third World countries.

Both the Living Wage and Voting Rights movements depend heavily on financial support from George Soros's Open Society Institute and his "Shadow Party," through whose support the Cloward-Piven strategy continues to provide a blueprint for some of the Left's most ambitious campaigns.

From: DiscoverTheNetworks.org
A Sense Of Crisis
Barack Obama returns to Washington next week (9/6/2009) in search of one thing that can revive his health-care overhaul: a sense of crisis.

Facing polls showing a drop in his approval, diminished support from independents, factions within his Democratic Party and a united Republican opposition, Obama must recapture the sense of urgency that led to passage of the economic rescue package in February, analysts said.

"At the moment, except for the people without insurance, we’re not in a health-care crisis," said Stephen Wayne, a professor of government at Georgetown University in Washington.  "You do need a crisis to generate movement in Congress and to help build a consensus."

"You do need a crisis..."

If you don't happen to have a real one -- invent one.

Remember what Rahm Emanuel said last November -- "You never want a serious crisis to go to waste.  And what I mean by that is an opportunity to do things you think you could not do before."

Everything with these people is a crisis -- and it's no accident.

This bunch are all proponents of the Cloward-Piven Strategy of Manufactured Crisis.

First proposed in 1966 and named after Columbia University sociologists Richard Andrew Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, the "Cloward-Piven Strategy" seeks to hasten the fall of capitalism by overloading the government bureaucracy with a flood of impossible demands, thus pushing society into crisis and economic collapse.

Inspired by the August 1965 riots in the black district of Watts in Los Angeles (which erupted after police had used batons to subdue a black man suspected of drunk driving), Cloward and Piven published an article titled "The Weight of the Poor: A Strategy to End Poverty" in the May 2, 1966 issue of The Nation.  Following its publication, The Nation sold an unprecedented 30,000 reprints.  Activists were abuzz over the so-called "crisis strategy" or "Cloward-Piven Strategy," as it came to be called.  Many were eager to put it into effect.

In their 1966 article, Cloward and Piven charged that the ruling classes used welfare to weaken the poor; that by providing a social safety net, the rich doused the fires of rebellion.  Poor people can advance only when "the rest of society is afraid of them," Cloward told The New York Times on September 27, 1970.  Rather than placating the poor with government hand-outs, wrote Cloward and Piven, activists should work to sabotage and destroy the welfare system; the collapse of the welfare state would ignite a political and financial crisis that would rock the nation; poor people would rise in revolt; only then would "the rest of society" accept their demands.

The key to sparking this rebellion would be to expose the inadequacy of the welfare state.  Cloward-Piven's early promoters cited radical organizer Saul Alinsky as their inspiration.  "Make the enemy live up to their (sic) own book of rules," Alinsky wrote in his 1972 book Rules for Radicals.  When pressed to honor every word of every law and statute, every Judaeo-Christian moral tenet, and every implicit promise of the liberal social contract, human agencies inevitably fall short.  The system's failure to "live up" to its rule book can then be used to discredit it altogether, and to replace the capitalist "rule book" with a socialist one.

Continue reading here . . .

Another coincidence:  Cloward and Piven were teaching their methodology at Columbia in 1981 through 1983 -- it would be interesting to see Obama's Columbia College records.

Unfortunately, the Obamamessiah doesn't believe we peons are entitled to that information.
The Crisis Creators
The American electorate has watched in amazement for a year as Obama has created unprecedented havoc and outrage throughout the nation.

And yet, the actual result of 2009's non-stop crises has been not just the dramatic transfer of wealth and power away from citizens and small businesses and into the hands of government, but also the beginnings of a profound transformation of America's economic and governmental system.

Is it possible that Obama is intentionally creating crises for the purpose of converting America into a full-fledged socialist state?  To many, such a conclusion sounds like an absurd conspiracy theory, but for those knowledgeable about the modern history of the radical left, creating crises is simply how things get done.

Indeed, in one of its most powerful issues ever, the January 2010 edition of Whistleblower magazine -- titled "The Crisis Creators" -- documents conclusively that the Obama administration's primary modus operandi of governance is the transformation of America through wreaking havoc.  Following the classic radical-left strategy of the manufactured crisis, Obama and Congress are creating crises in every area of life and policy.

They're wreaking havoc throughout America's capitalist, free-enterprise system by taking over major industries like banking, auto and healthcare.  And by multiplying the national debt so astronomically that the only mathematically possible way to pay it off is with the printing press, which translates directly into the "grand theft" of Americans' hard-earned wealth through major inflation.

But it not just the economy.  They're wreaking havoc also on America's national security, prosecuting U.S. soldiers for being too rough on terrorists, but rewarding confessed 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed with a civilian trial in New York City and affording him all the powerful legal rights of an American citizen.  And by badmouthing and apologizing for America overseas and bowing before Muslim kings, while scandalously snubbing leaders of America's few remaining allies like the U.K. and Israel.

They're creating crises in the nation's energy policy by stubbornly adhering to the controversial and now utterly discredited "global warming" theory and pursuing economically catastrophic legislation like "cap and trade."  They're creating havoc in education by putting radical homosexual activist Kevin Jennings, notorious for sexually corrupting children, in charge of the safety of the nation's public schools.

In every area imaginable, as "The Crisis Creators" documents, Obama is busily engaged in undermining and destroying the nation's key institutions -- or as Obama himself euphemistically put it a few days before being elected president, "We are five days away from fundamentally transforming the United States of America."

"For the last year," says Whistleblower Editor David Kupelian, "we've had it relentlessly hammered into our heads that America will self-destruct economically if we don't solve our cataclysmic healthcare crisis.  But in reality, there is no healthcare crisis.  We have the best medical services delivery system in world history.  What about the poor and uninsured?  In America, you can be an escaped-convict-illegal-alien-child-rapist, but if you get hurt and go to a public hospital, you will by law be taken care of, completely and totally, whether you can pay for it or not.  That's not a broken system; that's the most magnificent system in the world."

"Of course, the government could easily create a simple safety net to help the small percentage of Americans who don't have health insurance," added Kupelian.  "But they've never been interested in that.  They're interested only in creating the illusion of a systemic and fatal healthcare crisis as a means of forcing socialism down free Americans' throats.

"And that's just one example.  Manufacturing crises to force 'change' is how the radical left has operated for decades, and now that Obama, Pelosi and Reid are in power, fake crises and their terrible 'solutions' dominate life in America."
 

©  Copyright  Beckwith  2009
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